2015 PIECE!YA/Action/Adventure/Murder/Dark Fiction/War/Paranormal/FantasyMust be read before you read The Deathly-Roses Volume 3Updates Coming Soon!
Warning: this is not a full-length book. It is an approximately 4000-word executive briefing that provides a quick look at the most common English teaching jobs in Japan, how to apply for them, and how to prepare for moving to Japan. It aims to give you the best of everything I learned in thirteen years of being an English teacher in Japan. Whether you want to spend a year doing something interesting and make your resume more exciting, or have decided to take the first step towards a career as an English teacher, this book can help you figure out the job situation in Japan, one of the best countries in the world to be an English teacher. *The 20-minute Guides series is designed to provide a general overview of the most important aspects of a topic in approximately twenty minutes.
Normal, having sustained the loss of his surrogate grandfather, has trouble dealing with it. The chance to take a little bite of retirement, as he calls it, presents itself, and he travels to New England.To his surprise, people recognize him as his new identity. He learns that his new identitys parents where not married, and he only has the mothers DNA. They tell him he has been murdered in New York City. When he finishes his business with the natives of Bangor, Maine, and leaves the reservation, he passes through the Eastern states and ends up in Boston, where he defends Marios cousin, who is suspected of murder. After clearing her of the charges, he tours the area in his quest for knowledge of the history of the nation of which he is proud.By the time he gets home, he finds much work and intrigue has found him. It seems he is not the only one who has secrets. He becomes a surrogate brother and uncle all in one swoop. He thinks to himself, I may need another bite of retirement.
Da bi zaigrali sa ženom, doseljenici u Buenos Ajres morali su da znaju da plešu - i to na način koji ženama prija - inače one sa njime uopšte ne bi ni zaigrale. Zahvaljujući jedinstvenim zahtevima ovog grada u jednom sasvim vanrednom trenutku njegove istorije, odvijala se revolucija Tanga, učinivši ga nečim što je znatno više od samog plesa. Tango je postao izraz za fundamentalnu ljudsku potrebu: glad duše za dodirom sa drugom dušom. (S korica knjige, poslednja strana)***Knjiga - priručnik o tangu, o strasnoj igri gde duša ima dodir sa drugom dušom. Knjiga u kojoj se predočava povest argentinskog plesa i objašnjava zašto je tango mnogo više od samog plesa. (Sa sajta Vulkana)
Approaching 65, and recovering from breast cancer, Lois Tuffield decided to walk the pilgrim route known as The Camino de Santiago across northern Spain.A lighthearted, sometimes amusing account that will appeal to prospective pilgrims on the Camino as well as peopel who enjoy true life tales.
In my Independent Study on the works and thought of Derrick Jensen last year, we imagined the utility of an Intergovernmental Panel on Global Collapse, a group that could use models and environmental and economic data to form a set of rough constraints and scenarios about the path industrial civilization could take. Collapse theorists like Aric McBay and John Michael Greer offer their near-certain prognosis that collapse is either with us now or on the near horizon. However, for lack of data and computational power to predict the future, such analysts end up falling a bit flat because their scenarios and arguments differ only in the personality of the teller - Greer has little evidence to support his claim that collapse is gradual, and McBay and the other catastrophists find it difficult to support their interpretation that there will be a more-or-less datable collapse in the future. They struggle to pin down the specific nature of collapse - will it be a collapse of the American Empire, of the global financial market, of the industrial food distribution system, of fossil fuel extraction as an enterprise? This is not because they dont see the need or value of such predictions, but because theyre basically impossible.Randers seemed to offer the next best thing to a serious, well funded and interdisciplinary effort to examine this most important of all possible questions. The disappointing truth is that his model apparently writes out the possibility of unforeseen state shifts like sudden catastrophic collapses in ecosystem service delivery, financial markets, nuclear war, or the discovery of abundant new gas reserves (some of which are more likely than others). The nature of modeling is to take existing trends and extend them into the future; thresholds and deep feedbacks can only be elucidated by serious research. Randers further disappoints by extending his forecast only to 2052: as he points out, all the interesting and catastrophic things are likely to happen in the second half of the century and beyond, when climate change feedbacks kick into gear. The result is modestly interesting - Randers predicts no reduction of carbon emissions until peak oil, increasing use of renewable energy and biofuels, stable and then declining global population, Chinas emerging hegemony, rising GDP in the developing world, increasing starvation and malnutrition, etc. Nothing new or interesting or particularly compelling. Thats why I just skimmed the bulk of the book.Early in the book, Randers recounts the time he realized that humans werent going to change their behavior in time to avoid the worst effects of climate change, biodiversity loss, and global poverty. He says that at that time, he kept the realization a secret: some more optimistic people needed the hope to keep doing good work that he wanted them to do, so he felt it would be ill-advised to spread his bad news. However, now he apparently sees more value in coming to terms with our place in the vast machinations of history. This book represents that coming-to-terms, moving beyond the cloying and obnoxious need most authors of such books have to craft a narrative that compels readers to vague, likely short-lived, and ultimately ineffective action. In contrast, his advice at the end of the book is actually quite refreshing and seems rather helpful. Most serious environmental writers who acknowledge the hopelessness of the situation either conclude that we should fight anyway, because trying is the only moral option (Deep Green Resistance: Strategy to Save the Planet), or that we should do some vague environmental value-building for our selves and communities (http://www.orionmagazine.org/index.ph...). Randers instead offers pragmatic advice: learn to accept the tragedy, and ride it out as best you can. He suggests that we base happiness on non-monetary satisfaction, learn to enjoy video games and movies, avoid teaching children to enjoy wilderness, and move someplace with a reasonably proactive government and away from the worst projected impacts of climate change. Overall, he suggests learning to like the way the world will be in 40 years in advance, to save you the trouble of adjusting when that future comes.
Contrairement � l’impression suggérée par son titre, Le Journal de mon père n’est pas un récit autobiographique. Jirô Taniguchi a simplement “planté” son scénario � Tottori, sa ville natale, où il a tant de repères et de souvenirs.Le héros de cette histoire s’appelle Yoichi Yamashita et travaille � Tokyo dans une agence de design. Apprenant la mort de son père, il revient après une très longue absence � Tottori, la ville qui l’a vu grandir. Au cours d’une veillée funèbre très arrosée, le passé des années 50 et 60 ressurgit : l’incendie qui a ravagé la ville et la maison familiale, le dur labeur pour la reconstruction, le divorce de ses parents, ses souffrances d’enfant… Lors de cette veillée, chaque membre de la famille apporte un éclairage nouveau sur la personnalité de ce père que Yoichi tenait jusque-l� pour responsable du désastre familial. Le fils réalise finalement, mais trop tard, qu’il a sans doute été le seul responsable de leur douloureuse incompréhension.
Most analyses of Egyptian politics present the limitations and failures of official political life as the complete story of politics in Egypt. Raymond Bakers direct observation of Egyptian politics has convinced him that alternative political groups have sustained themselves and carved out spaces for promising political action despite official efforts at containment.In this compelling study, Baker recreates the public worlds of eight groups on the periphery of Egyptian politics. They range in their political stances from Communists to the Muslim Brothers and include shifting clusters of critical intellectuals who gather around influential journals or in research centers, as well as the quiescent aestheticists of the Wissa Wassef community. Taken together, the experiences of Egyptians in alternative groups reveal that Egyptians are more than the objects of diverse external pressures and more than the sufferers from multiple internal problems. They are also creative political actors who have stories to tell about the human potential to struggle for humane values and goals in the modern world.In examining Egypt from the margins rather than from the center, Baker proposes a new direction for Third World political studies. He suggests a way out of the impasse in the current development literature, which is fixed on a scientific study of causes and determinants, by focusing on actual political struggles and alternative political visions.
Marchel Denise is the author of Kissed by Madness, Savor the Sweetness and Painted on Souls.Marchel obtained a bachelor’s degree in journalism from the University of Central Missouri. She also holds a master’s degree in communication studies from the University of Missouri-Kansas City.Marchel has worked as a journalist for more than 18 years, both as a writer and editor in Kansas City, Mo., Reno and Tampa. Currently, she works as a communications specialist in Kansas City.She was listed in Whos Who in Black Kansas City-The Inaugural Edition by Real Times Media in 2012.
I have found myself re-reading Marcel Mauss’s classic treatise on The Gift. It was first published in the 1920s as a series of articles in L’Année Sociologique the journal founded by Mauss’s uncle, Émile Durkheim. And indeed, its spirit is firmly Durkheimian, for it sees the prime role of the gift and the act of giving to be the cementing of the bonds of society. Mauss argues that gifts are a type of exchange. As he nearly says, there is no such thing as a free lunch. The idea that gifts are voluntarily given without expectation of reward is a common fiction, but a fiction nevertheless. A gift, he explains, is always given in return for another gift. Only sometimes is a gift given voluntarily. Mostly, they are compulsory.After introducing his subject, Mauss considers the phenomenon of “potlatch”, the practice of large-scale, competitive giving. This was found archetypically among North American peoples, but it can be found elsewhere. In the most extreme forms of potlatch, when the giver has given as much as the recipients could conceivably consume, the giver is reduced to destroying his goods just to demonstrate his ability to give.This phenomenon is not as exotic as it might at first appear. My grandchildren’s school, for example, was forced actively to discourage the practice of the children giving Christmas gifts to their teachers. The teachers began to fear accusations of favouritism, even corruption. And the escalating competitiveness actually threatened to impoverish the poorer parents. Weddings – inherently a gift by parents to their children and to their friends and relations – have a similar, even notorious tendency to be more and more lavish in successive generations. Mauss goes on to look at the now well-known practice of kula found in Malinowski’s description of the Trobriand Islands in the Pacific. Here, prestigious goods - necklaces and bangles made from shell - are taken great distances by boat and solemnly given to the occupants of neighbouring islands. These, in due course, pass them on to other islands, so they move in a never-ending full circle. This book is, of course, a classic and I would not want to deny its author’s genius. Nevertheless, one cannot ignore its problems.. Most obviously, from his perspective in the 1920s, Mauss sees the gift as a “survival” from earlier periods. The modern world, he claims, is a world of commerce; while the gift, in contrast, belongs to the ancient world and to those primitive peoples who have maintained an ancient way of life. The potlatch and kula, he speculates, are intermediate stages along an evolutionary continuum from, on the one hand, the total sharing of goods and services between otherwise hostile peoples to, on the other hand, the modern world of commerce. It follows that, for him, when gifts are found in modern society, this too is a survival from our archaic past. Not that Mauss is hostile to the gift, for he thinks we should try to recapture some of this ancient mode of living. (Mary Douglas in a typically erudite and lucid foreword shows that Mauss is motivated by an opposition to the individualism and utilitarianism he associates with Britain.) Nevertheless, the notion of “survivals”, while useful as a peripheral concept, is not the basis for a satisfactory methodology and it has in fact largely been dropped from modern anthropology. Mauss’s Gift has become important as providing the cornerstone for the work of other important thinkers. Notably, another great Durkheimian, Claude Lévi-Strauss, in his monumental Les Structures Élementaires de la Parenté, explained the plethora of marriage patterns as a series of exchanges or gifts. He also developed an influential theory of myth which was infused by the notion of reciprocity and balance. A radically different thinker, the American Marshall Sahlins explored issues of economic anthropology in his important study, Stone Age Economics, which has a direct lineage to the ideas of Mauss. Both of these writers brought great sophistication to the comparatively simple ideas found in Mauss’s original work.For myself, I see The Gift as the key to solving an old problem in sociology, the question of altruism. This is, however, possible only when one abandons one of the central features of the book, which arises from Mauss’s emphasis on the potlatch and on competitive giving. Mauss was certainly correct to recognize that competition in giving does exist, and also that giving is rarely disinterested. With occasional lapses – for example, at one point, he describes the excesses of potlatch as “monstrous” – he seems to see competition and self-interest at the heart of the phenomenon of giving. I believe he is here mistaken, for in fact, there are plenty of occasions when giving is not competitive, and where competitive giving is actively opposed. Often, people strive in their giving not somehow to “win” the competition, but to come out of reciprocal transactions in a more or less equal state. I note, for example, that my own children do not compete when giving me birthday presents. In fact, much as I appreciate getting bottles of aftershave, despite my beard, I sometimes think that a little competition would do some good in this area. Moreover, giving can be a complicated phenomenon with different processes going on simultaneously. Family life, for example, usually involves the giving of food, shelter, education and general nurture to children. It is therefore based on the giving of gifts. Parents may, sometimes, engage in potlatch-like activity when nurturing their children – spending lavishly on them in order to outdo fellow parents. However, in more everyday matters, parents do not, as a rule, compete with the children who are the recipients of their generosity. Mostly, parents give to children as their own parents once gave to them; and in due course, these same children will give to their own children and so on (like Swiftean fleas but temporally, not spatially)through the generations. Moreover, competition between parents and children is rarely an issue.Reciprocity, it seems to me, infuses every aspect of our ordinary social lives. Mauss tends to stick to ceremonial and ceremonious forms of giving, but in fact the giving of gifts is ubiquitous and not at all confined to the big occasions. When, on a minor road, I stop to let the other cars pass along a main road, I do it in the knowledge that in due course, and when roles are reversed, others will similarly wait for me. When a stranger is lost and asks me the way to his destination then I give directions, knowing that in due course I too may need to tell a stranger I am lost and in need of directions. Or more seriously, if I wade into a pond to rescue a drowning child, I do so in the expectation that, in similar circumstances, others would do the same for me or for my own children and grandchildren. Society (even commerce) rests on such communitarian and largely non-competitive gifts of time, courtesy, bravery, goods etc. It rests on the obligation to give, to accept and to reciprocate. All of these are at the heart of the phenomenon we know as the gift which Mauss brought into general anthropological discussion. .